(Original copy) THE meeting is in full flow, rows of sheiks listening and nodding their agreement as speaker after speaker addresses the packed hall in the southern Iraqi town of Al Amarah. The hall is dark, what little light there is filtering in through gaps in the fabric roof and through the open doorway to the rear and the right hand side of the stage which has been set up at the far end of the room. Guards in blue shirts and trousers, AK47s resting casually on their knees, eye up new arrivals, motioning them through. The men - all men, there are no women in the room - are sipping from cans of Pepsi or Mountain Dew. Many of them are smoking. Most are sheiks, the leaders of the tribes which make up the surrounding Maysan province, though a few others have managed to slip inside. Outside, men from the town mill around, regarding with curiosity or indifference the British soldiers who are standing guard a little way away. The men inside are here seeking reassurance. Each represents a village, maybe 10,000 people Each is here to find out what will be put in place to fill the void in their lives left by the regime of Saddam Hussein. It is not that they miss him - many were openly opposed to his rule - but with the collapse of the regime, the people they represent face fresh problems. Many are farmers but the frequent electricity cuts mean their water pumps do not work. Before the coalition forces arrived, Saddam ordered the marshes to be flooded so many of their crops have been ruined. They want to know what the British are going to do for them. The sheiks listen as the speakers make their points. They must unite and help each other, stop fighting among themselves, one says. We need people to talk on our behalf. We want the promises we have been given to be kept. We have heard a lot about what is coming but we need to see results. They thought that when the coalition troops arrived, they would bring with them generators and restore the electricity, and they cannot understand why that has not happened. The sheiks listen and nod their approval, leaning on sticks, lighting fresh cigarettes. Finally it is the turn of the man in British desert combat fatigues who has been sitting quietly on the left hand side of the stage. Lieutenant Colonel Mark Castle, 42 years old, the comanding officer of the Kings Own Scottish Borderers, has been listening too, his interpreter Ali whispering into his ear as each speaker addressed the rows of faces in the tiered seating in front of him. Now he stands up and strides across the stage to the microphone. He tucks his fingers into the belt around his waist, hands behind his back, and starts to speak. It is a great honour to be invited to speak to such a distinguished audience, he tells them, pausing for Ali to translate. He has read a great deal about Iraq and the traditions and culture of their great country, he says. This meeting is important to Castle. His troops took over responsibility for running this part of the country from the Paratroop regiment only days after the killing of six military policemen in the town of Majar Al Kabir, just a few miles to the south. It is his job to try to smooth out the resentments and ill-feeling in Majar and restore some semblance of normality to life in the whole province. That the sheiks have turned up to listen to him at all is a start. Now he tells them that even in the short time he has been in the country, he sees the potential for success. "It is particularly good for me to see the representatives of the tribes here," he says. "I come from Scotland where we have a great tradition of the tribes playing a part in our government system." "I see the vision for us of a free and democratic Iraq, a vision which we in the coalition forces share with you. But as we work towards this goal there are certain things we must do." He is sorry that they have criticised the speed at which the coalition forces have moved to restore services and a system of government, but he is sure that they will appreciate that it takes time to put right the neglect of 30 years of Saddam's regime. If they get it right, Maysan could be a model for the rest of Iraq, he says, but it must be done in partnership. We must work hand in hand, he says. So he tells them what he wants. The first and most pressing problem is security. Without security, there can be no stability, and without stability, they cannot hope to reach the goal of a free and self governing Iraq. They must help him to put a stop to looting and to crime. Until the province is safe, there will be no hope of attracting investment into Maysan. He knows that there are people who do not want to see a free and democratic Iraq, he says. "These are the enemies of the people and the enemies of progress," he says. The sheiks must work together, not against each other, and they must work with the coalition. And he flatters them. "I need your help," he says, "particularly because you are the leaders of society in Maysan. You have a great deal of influence and a great deal of respect. "This part of the world has meaning for the whole world. This is where civilisation began and the example you will now make as you rise from the ashes of the old regime will be an example to the whole world." He raises his hand and most of the men in the audience raise theirs in response, a good sign. Afterwards, Castle is pleased with his performance. He thinks he hit the right notes. "They respected me," he says. But the task ahead of him is a difficult one. The sheiks will go back to their villages to pass on his reassurances, but if he cannot deliver, then they may lose patience. Not everyone in Al Amarah or Maysan province welcomes the British, as the incident in Majar showed. That caught them out, and there is plenty of evidence that more trouble lies ahead. The graffiti on the walls of Al Amarah complains about the weapons searches which provoked so much resentment in Majar, and about the shortages of water, electricity and medical help. People have been taking pot shots at the soldiers as they go about their business. The discovery of more arms caches demonstrates the ubiquity of weapons throughout Iraq. People bitterly resent giving up their weapons. [Add to come here] For the British in Maysan province, there is certainly no guarantee that the war is over. They know that the Iranians are uncomfortable with the idea of a Western-backed regime on their doorstep, and the finger of blame has been pointed at Iran for funding those resisting the coalition forces. And there is another problem which cannot be ignored. Where once there were pictures of Saddam Hussein on every street corner, there are now pictures of Shia clerics. There is a danger that, given the opportunity to embrace democracy, the people of this region will choose to follow the Iranian model. That would be as unacceptable to the coalition forces as a world of McDonalds and Burger Kings would be to the Iranians. Something is going to have to give. Castle hopes that the Iraqis will be won round by the work he and his men are now beginning. But he is under no illusions about the size of the task. "IF UK plc is not going to lose face all over the world, we have got to make this work," he says.

(Original news copy) ONE of the most senior British officers in Iraq has admitted that that war is far from over - and blamed Iranian interference for creating problems for coalition forces in the south of the country. Lieutenant Colonel Mark Castle, the commanding officer of the Kings Own Scottish Borderers, claimed that there was evidence to suggest that Iran was funding dissidents in Iraq, an allegation that has previously been voiced by the Pentagon. But Lt Col Castle, whose troops have taken over responsibility for the area in which six British military policemen were killed just over two weeks ago, said that Britain and America had to make a success of Iraq or risk losing face around the world. Speaking at the KOSB base in Al Amarah yesterday, Castle also revealed that British forces believe they now know who was responsible for the killing of the military police officers and were stepping up attempts to bring them to justice. Although the US forces have borne the brunt of most of the attacks on coalition forces since George Bush declared that the war in Iraq was over, British troops in the south of Iraq have reported an increasing number of attacks in recent weeks. In the worst incident six military policemen died and a number (CHECK) of paratroops were injured in the town of Majar Al Kabir, about 14 miles south of Al Amarah. After that attack politicians and military commanders played down the threat to British troops, but Lt Col Castle's comments may be seen as a sign of a growing acceptance of the risks faced by coalition forces as they attempt to fill the void left by the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime. He said he believed that politicians had been too quick to declare that the war was over. "The war is not really over," he said. "This is the point at which the coalition forces are at their weakest, the reorganisation phase, where they have no front line to attack or defend and are spread thinly over a wide area, he says. They have to be alert to the threat of attack. "In strict military terms the war fighting was over when George Bush said it was over. But what was the mission statement? We are finished when we can go, when Iraq is being governed by Iraqis. "We are generally well-motivated people and I think sometimes we are surprised when people are not. There are people out there who are deliberately trying to subvert what we are trying to achieve." And he added: "If UK plc is not going to lose face all over the world we have got to make this work," he said. British forces based in Al Amarah have been trying to build up trust with local civic leaders by establishing a supervisory council to oversee the running of the area. But Lt Col Castle accused Iran and former Baath party members of attempting to undermine his work.  "There are two groups with something to gain from instability here, the ex-Baathists and the Shia theocracy next door [Iran] and that tends to be where we believe much of the funding and training for dissent is coming from," he says. "The Foreign Office position has been quite softly, softly to Iran but on the ground we are seeing a lot of attempts to place Iranian-funded people on committees and large sums of money coming over the Iranian border. The conclusion you have to draw from this is that there is some sort of organised attempt to undermine what we are doing here." Information on what happened during the attack on the British troops in Majar has been slow to emerge, but Lt Col Castle said he believed that the investigation was making progress. "I think I now know who is responsible for what happened at Majar Al Kabir and we will get them." British troops have been ordered to impose themselves on the town to crack down on those opposed to coalition forces. "We need to dominate the town, to reassure the law abiding people that we are here and we are here to stay and we have got sufficient power to provide the security they require, and to make life difficult for those who are anti-coalition," said Lt Col Castle.